植田 今日子

本稿の目的は,2011年3月11日の津波で甚大な被害をうけた三陸地方沿岸の集落の人びとが,なぜ海がすぐそばに迫る災禍のあった地へふたたび帰ろうとするのかを明らかにすることである。事例としてたどるのは,津波常習地である三陸地方,宮城県気仙沼市唐桑町に位置する被災集落である。この集落では52世帯中44世帯の家屋が津波で流失したが,津波被災からわずか1ヵ月あまりで防災集団移転のための組織をつくり,2011(平成23)年度末には県内でももっとも早く集団移転の予算をとりつけるにいたった。舞根の人びとが集団移転をするうえで条件としたのは,移転先が家屋流失を免れた8世帯の人びとの待つ舞根の土地であること,そして海が見える場所であることであった。本稿は津波被災直後から一貫して海岸へ帰ろうとする一集落の海との関わりから,彼らが災禍をもたらした海に近づこうとする合理性を明らかにするものである。海で食べてきた一集落の人びとの実践から明らかになったのは,慣れ親しんだ多様な性格をもつ海は,どうすればそれぞれの場所で食わせてくれるのかをよく知り,長い海難史のなかで培われた"死と向き合う技法"と"海で食っていく技法"の双方が効力を発揮する海であった。すなわち,舞根の人びとにとって被災後なお海のもとへ帰ろうとすることが"合理的"であるのは,海がもたらしてきた大小の災禍を受容することなしに,海がもたらしてくれる豊穣にあずかることはできないという態度に裏打ちされている。

The purpose of this paper is to clarify the conditions that had to be met in order for the sufferer community of the Chuetsu-Earthquake to become "recovered." This paper is based on fieldwork conducted in the Naranoki hamlet located in the former Yamakoshi village which suffered great earthquake damage. The damage was so immense that every house in the hamlet was totally destroyed and all of the roads leading to the village were completely disrupted. For this reason, there were doubts as to whether the community itself could be sustained. In addition to this immense damage, the return to the Naranoki hamlet requiredpeople to become re-acclimatized to life in a depopulated area with heavy snowfalls afteralmost three years living in shelters located in an urban area. At last, more than half ofthe households decided not to return to the hamlet. However, the remaining 12 households finally chose to return to the village. What conditions were necessary for these twelve households to go back and to maintain the community? This paper attempts to analyze these conditions by looking at their practices for maintaining both their farmland and the former locations of their homes. In conclusion, the vital condition to maintain this earthquake-stricken community was, phenomenally, to sustain the land's productivity or, in their words, "to prevent the land from going wild." This practice was performed by all the households in the community, even those that had chosen not to return to the village. For the people of this community, to keep the land "alive" actually meant to sustain the productivity of the land, but at the same time, it meant the re-productivity of relationships including the victims, the former members and the ancestors in the hamlet.

The purpose of this paper is to clarify the context of a community's practice against the production of space by referring to the case of a community effected by plans for the construction of a dam along the River Kawabegawa. In a series of studies by Lefebvre, Harvey and others, these human geographers called attention to a new form of exploitation that occurs in the process of the production of space. Their studies showed that the "production" of space can dominate existing relationships and orders that are based on use values. Therefore, for example, the residents of a community that is forced to move in keeping with the construction of a dam are reduced to a subordinate role in order to accomplish the "production" of the dam. As a result, they become totally "free" either to move to an urban area or to remain near the dam as long as they are in a location that does not encroach upon dam construction. In contrast, this paper describes a community that moved out of their homes as soon as possible, even against the advice of the village's local assembly. Why did they abandon their homes so quickly and without resisting? By answering this question, this paper attempts to analyze how a community might manage to remain independent of the power of the production of space. In conclusion, through their practice, the generation of certain duties was intended among the members of the community. This paper maintains that, after the move caused by the dam construction, such duties of community could release blockading relationships based on rigid land ownership.

The purpose of this paper is to examine a meaning of preservation of folk rituals. In Japan, not a few traditional rituals are held in depopulated rural areas where the communities themselves are having difficulty to remain. Meanwhile, the traditional rituals, which originally were a part of people's daily life, have been attempted to preserve as important cultural heritage or tourist attractions. Thus, the traditional rituals are encouraged to show more people and last as long as possible. However, as is often the case with cultural heritage, the more intentionally they try to preserve their traditional rituals, the more alienated from the rituals they become. What does the "preservation"mean for the people who actually perform the rituals?<br> This paper refers to a small community which refused to "preserve" their traditional dance, Taiko-odori. Because of severe depopulation, their dance was to vanish in near future. Hence their neighbor communities suggested to "preserve" the Taiko-odori by increasing the members of dancers and performing it altogether.<br> Although the Taiko-odori used to be often performed outside of the community, they refused this suggestion. Paradoxically, the community's decision was to perform the Taiko-odori by themselves until when the performers decrease to two as their ancestors' tradition. For the people in this severely depopulating community, the preservation of their traditional ritual was not to merely prolong the history of the dance nor to increase the performers, but to vanish it by themselves in near future. As a conclusion, even if the traditional rituals were valuable enough to attract tourists or to be preserved as cultural heritage, they cannot be essentially preserved when a social order of performer community is invaded.

近年の公共事業見直しのうごきと自然環境への意識の高まりから, 川辺川ダム (熊本県) はその必要性を厳しく問われる公共事業である.頭地地区を含めた五木村, 相良村 (一部) はこれまで36年間, 大挙離村や地域社会内部での対立を経験しながら水没予定地域としてありつづけてきた.五木村は現在ダムの「早期着工」を訴える立場にある.なぜ周囲で声高に事業の必要性が問われる中, 自らをさんざん苦しめてきたダムの早期着手を訴えなければならないのだろうか.本稿では, 水没予定地である五木村頭地地区でのフィールドワークをもとに, ダム計画に対して3つの異なる立場をとってきた五木村の水没3団体が, いかにして自らの団体を他団体と差異化しつつ, 「早期着工」という総意を成立させているのかを明らかにすることで, 「早期着工」表明の論理に近づくことを目的とした.<BR>これまで, 公共事業によって損害を被るはずの人びとが事業の早期着手を訴えるということは, 自己利益の最大化として功利主義的に捉えられることが多かった.しかし「早期着工」の意思表明には, 公共事業が生活の場における諸関係にもたらしてしまう意味を克服しようとする遂行的意味があった.それは, 世帯ごとの意思決定を配慮・尊重するがゆえに, むらがむらとして成立しないという状況において実践された, むらの生成という言遂行的な意志表明であった.