川島 緑

This article discusses the development, characteristics, and significance of interlinear translations in Mindanao, in the southern Philippines. This is a topic that has received little attention thus far. Focusing on the Lanao region, the article analyzes interlinear translations from Arabic to Malay and Maranao, the region’s vernacular language, that are found in four books of hadiths. The analysis revealed that interlinear translation did not simply replace Arabic words with their equivalents in the target language. Rather, it was an intellectual endeavor in which scholars exercised their ingenuity. The study also sheds light on the region’s linguistic practices and demonstrates the influence of the Maranao language on the development of a local variation of Malay. The most significant contribution of the Maranao Muslims to interlinear translation was creating interlinear translations in their own language. This marked a departure from their previous reliance on Malay as an auxiliary language for studying Arabic and Islam. Reformist Maranao Muslim scholars emphasized correctly understanding the meaning of Qur’anic verses and hadiths, so they created interlinear translations in their own language to replace Malay. Interlinear translation in the vernacular played a significant role in developing Islamic literature in the region. By creating these translations, Muslim scholars developed the ability to carefully read and interpret Arabic texts and convey their meanings accurately and clearly in Maranao. These translations nurtured authorship and readership, paving the way for the later flourishing of vernacular Islamic literary culture. Keywords: Maranao, interlinear translation, Arabic, Malay, The Philippines, Mindanao, hadith literature

〈特集〉現代社会における宗教と政治の関係: Politics and Religion in Global & Asian Context

This study discusses the reasons for the formation of the concept of Bangsa Moro as a separate semi-religious nationality and the manner in which it was transformed since its inception. It focuses on the political thoughts of young Islamic intellectuals who were educated in Middle Eastern Islamic universities and established a strong influence among the Muslim communities in the Philippines. These intellectuals initially considered the Philippines as their homeland and aspired to implement social reforms on the basis of Islamic ideas to secure the future of the Muslim society in the Philippines. However, the increasing marginalization and militant aggression in the late 1960s compelled some of them to support the armed revolutionary movement. The concept of Bangsa Moro was created to express a nationality that contains both territorial and religious elements. Since the mid-1980s, non-separatist liberal Muslim intellectuals and activists reinterpreted the concept of Bangsa Moro, and they are now using the term "Bangsamoro" to express the identity of a Muslim citizen who actively participates in the reformation and development of the society. The term serves as an ideology to legitimize the demands of the Muslim citizens for the provision of social justice for marginalized people in Southern Philippines. In addition, the term "Bangsamoro" is officially used by the Philippine government to express the identity of Muslims and other original inhabitants of Southern Philippines. The term is also adopted as the name of a new autonomous political entity to be formulated. However, the mere formulation of a new autonomous government will not be sufficient to solve the conflict which is rooted in the indignation of the Muslim masses about insecurity, inequality, and injustices. Implementing meaningful reforms to ensure their survival and security is the key to resolving the conflict.

〈特集〉アジアのムスリムのネットワークと運動(Muslim networks and movements in Asia)

〈特集〉アジアのムスリムのネットワークと運動(Muslim networks and movements in Asia)

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。The purpose of this paper is to selectively review the existing studies of Muslims in the Philippines. Most of these studies were motivated by a concern to understand this religious minority group, which had been left out of the mainstream of Philippine history and culture, and to integrate them into the Philippine nation. In the 1950s and 1960s, studies based on the modernization theory were prevalent, whereas since the 1970s, a number of studies have been published which attempt to analyze and explain the Muslim secessionist movement led by the MNLF. Here I shall focus on two approaches adopted in studies of this subject, one which explains the Mindanao conflict mainly by socio-economic factors, and the other which emphasizes the role of Islam in forming the Moro identity, as opposed to the Filipino national identity. Discussing some of the major works representing both approaches together with their contributions and shortcomings, I conclude that we need to investigate the socio-economic conditions of Mindanao, to examine how Mindanao people perceive these conditions, and to consider how, and to what extent, Islam influences the formation of such perceptions.

An important, but often overlooked, social phenomenon in post-war southern Philippine society is the ascendancy of the new Muslim bourgeosie composed of merchants, businessmen, and landowners of commoner origin. This class took advantage of the economic and social changes accompanying the colonization of the southern Philippines that had taken place since the latter half of the 19th century, acquired social prestige by becoming "haji, " and rose to new leadership positions in their society. In addition to this, a considerable number of Christian Filipino settlers migrated south, causing a change in the religious composition of that region's population with the exception of Sulu.<br>The American colonial government established special provinces and municipal districts in those areas where Muslim and other non-Christian communities demographically predominated. Governors of special provinces and mayors of municipal districts in the south were appointed, while their counterparts in regular provinces and municipalities were chosen in public elections. These discriminative arrangements were, however, abolished one by one from the Commonwealth period, and all local offices in the south were made elective by the end of 1950s. The significance of the introduction of public elections to the south lies in the fact that it served as a catalyst to the process by which the economic and social changes during colonization were reflected in the political sphere.<br>During the Commonwealth period, it was the Christian politicians of the south who took the initiative in campaigning for public elections in the region, whereas the Muslim politicians were reluctant to join because they represented the interests of the Muslim nobility, who feared that their traditional priviledged status might be undermined by an electoral system and thus prefered the existing practice of political appointments.<br>The post-World War II Muslim politicians, however, actively campaigned for having officials in the south elected by the people. The author argues that this change in their attitude on the issue was a crucial factor in the abolishment of special provinces and municipal districts in the south during the 1950s. What, then, caused these post-war Muslim politicians to favour public elections? The author maintains that their power base shifted from the traditional nobility, who favoured the practice of appointment, to the new Muslim bourgeoisie, who aspired to political ascendancy through elected office.<br>The holding of public elections had important effects on the power structure in southern Philippine society. In Sulu, Muslim merchants and businessmen came to exercise greater political influence, while in Cotabato, which had experienced an influx of Christian settlers from the north, local official posts came to be increasingly held by Christians, thus forcing Muslim officials into the minority. Furthermore, by means of electoral politics, southern society was structually integrated into the nation-wide political system of the Philippines, and inherited similar problems such as corruption and injustice. It is against this background that various political movements, aimed at both rovolution and reform, emerged in the south during years following the 1950s.